Author Archives: Editor

EU: The Board Room Should Stay a Boy’s Club

By Omar Salem

On September 17, 2012, nine EU member-states signed a letter to the European Commission in opposition to a proposed law that would mandate that women occupy 40% of seats on corporate supervisory boards by 2020. Proponents of the law say the mandate is a necessary change and that there is no time like the present. The opposition argues that the European Commission vowed not to increase economic regulation following the recession in 2008 and that the mandate would constitute a burdensome regulation. Others argue the law tarnishes the merits of those (women or men) that have progressed to such positions without a mandate and the new regulation would lead to “tokenism.”

I have always been an advocate of increasing the amount of women in leadership roles in both public and private sectors—especially in the “progressive” countries of the West. Apparently some in the EU feel the same; Viviane Reding, the vice president of the European Commission, has been the main proponent of the law which would apply to all companies with over 250 employees and annual sales of $63 million or higher. After years of attempting to increase the amount of women in leadership roles through giving voluntary incentives to corporations, the EU has had little success in doing so. The U.K., one of the law’s main opponents, has touted its two percent increase in women executives this year—now at 15.6—as a monumental success. I find that laughable, at best.

There is a need for women at the top of the business world, and those arguing that the mandate would create greater “burdensome regulation” for European companies in a time of recession are the same men who, in many ways, created the circumstances for the recession to occur. Increasing women’s roles as corporate executives should be seen as a welcome change, not a burden.

The argument that most upset me was that mandating companies to hire women executives would diminish the merits of other executives. A female writer infuriated me, saying “if we are taking these seats for anything other than merit, it subtracts any pride that the promotion to that position should have.” Her argument invokes imagery of EU politicians swooping uneducated women out their kitchens, slapping the name “CEO” on them and tossing them in the back of the board room to stay quiet. The fact that one (man or woman) is considered for an executive position should be a source of pride by itself. In a world where women have the odds stacked against them, the women who comprise the mandated 40% will have been educated, successful and hardworking before even being considered for the position. I say it’s time to stack the odds just a little more in the favor of women.

Although no one is arguing that there is not a need for more female executives—at least publicly—the ardent opposition to the law, coupled with bad arguments against it, makes me think that the boy’s club that leads these countries’ corporations wants its board rooms to stay just that, a boy’s club.

How a Group of Women Successfully Led to Military Reform in Russia

By Kirill Prudnikov

Private Andrey Sychyov, a 19 year old soldier, was forced to squat for four hours with his hands tied behind his back while his fellow colleagues brutally raped and beat him. As a result, he suffered leg fractures, which subsequently led to amputation. The Sychov case was one of many in the Russian military that has been brought to public attention by the women-led NGO Union of Soldiers Mothers Committees of Russia (CSMR).

The Russian military system is in urgent need of reform as it has become dangerous for soldiers’ health and lives to defend their own country. Gen. Alexander Sorochkin, head of the Military Investigation Department at Russia’s Investigation Committee, reported that more than 5000 crimes related to subjection of juniors in Russian army were committed by soldiers in the first half of 2012. In addition, the Defense Ministry reported a total of 149 Russian soldiers committed suicide from January to November of 2009. According to the Rossiyskaya Gazeta [Russian Newspaper] most of the suicides were committed because of a spectrum of subordinating and humiliating activities and legally defined as “incitement to commit suicide.” However, the official statistics do not reflect the real numbers because military officers are threatening soldiers and ordering doctors to keep silent in order to hide most of the cases from the Military Investigation Department. Young soldiers defending the country are constantly threatened by violence coming from their fellow peers. Russia’s military needs reform, but making it happen won’t be easy.

It is women, and particularly CSMR, who should lead the Russian military reform. The only role the Russian government saw for women’s participation in war was the sacrifice of their husbands, boyfriends and sons. Women were frustrated with an exclusive role of soldiers’ mothers, “producing” children in order to replace the soldiers killed in Chechnya. In order to empower themselves these mothers created an NGO that focused on peace-building efforts and used a bottom-up approach in ceasefire negotiations and prisoner exchanges. CSMR’s volunteers – mostly elderly women, entered rebel-controlled areas and established contacts with village elders and rebel commanders. Their “straightforward” approach helped to organize massive prisoner exchanges and secured release of captured Federal soldiers and officers. Moreover, their efforts during the Chechen war helped them to gain the trust and support from all levels of Russian society.

I believe that CSMR has enough experience and support to end the humiliating activities performed by the senior ranks, address the militarizing of the justice system, and assist civil control over the military and legislation. If CSMR changed their agenda to lobbying for military reform, they would not just stop the violence in the military but also empower themselves through political participation. The Soldiers Mothers Committees of Russia has pushed Russians to confront their armed services on the democratic basis of military law – an action utterly unthinkable a few years ago.

Outrage over violence in Syria

By Raymond Aycock

This morning I read the news of the Houla massacre in Syria while surrounded by shoppers taking advantage of Memorial Day sales at vintage clothing stores. It was a bit surreal, but not all that surprising given the news that frequently comes out of Syria these days. Then I saw the pictures of children, with the caveat that the content might be a bit graphic. Children with their throats cut, with obvious signs that they had urinated on themselves. Perhaps most shocking, the pictures were accompanied by the accusations that they had been systematically slaughtered by armed militias loyal to the Assad regime.

For the next few hours I was consumed by the story and could not stay away from Twitter and Google news feeds. I was brought to tears by some accounts of the horrific attack on innocent children, and outraged by the seemingly benign and broad statements made by the UN and other voices in the international community regarding this tragedy. However, by the time dinner was ready to be served I had re-tweeted enough to soothe the anger enough so that I could enjoy a meal with friends and family on this holiday weekend. I did not forget the incident and I vented to several people throughout the course of the evening, but there were other topics, ideas, and conversations that also captured my attention as the hour grew later. It is in the silence and solitude after a long day that the massacre at Houla refuses to let me sleep.

I wonder how long it will be before I move on to something else? It is no longer a trending topic on the news feeds, so even at this moment I have to make a little more effort to search for new reports about what is happening on the ground in Syria. When I wake up tomorrow and some other story is featured on Twitter will I make any effort to ensure that those silent bodies lined up in rows on the ground in Houla will still be noticed? I am reminded of a brief but brilliant flash of activism for a campaign known as Kony2012. It has all but disappeared from the media platforms that it overwhelmed earlier this year. A brief moment of outrage, then it faded into archives and academic discussions. I feel like those murdered children in Syria deserve more than passing recognition, but I admit I am unsure how to sustain my observation of this situation.

At this moment, at this hour, awake and still very deeply disturbed, I feel strongly that I will follow the news and will watch and listen, with critical thinking, to what is being said and done with regards to the killing of innocents in Syria. I hope that in a few days this moment will still be strong enough to pull me back to the injustice that I am angry about. and that no matter the trending news I will still be searching for accountability and answers to the massacre of innocents that occurred today in Houla, Syria.

As Nations, we are NOT United

By Pushpa Iyer

The news out of Syria yesterday has been too much for me to take. It is not possible to see pictures of dead children, babies really, and not have my core belief in humanity badly shaken.

Reports say that of those killed, in what is now known as the Houla massacre, over 30 were children. They were stabbed, shot or bludgeoned to death with blunt objects. One must pity the human beings that actually stabbed, shot or bludgeoned a child to death. Really, they have to be past redemption, so twisted that they deserve nothing else but our pity.

My condemnation is reserved for the powers that are: especially the members of the security council of the UN; for the slow response of countries in the Middle East and the US in taking a stand against the violence in Syria. Seriously, this level of violence has been going on for over a year in the country! I condemn countries like Russia and China who vetoed any UN intervention in Syria because they felt the proposals did not balance out and penalise the opposition forces in Syria for using brutal force. They are right and maybe even more justified in fearing any kind of ‘humanitarian’ intervention given the tragedies of the ongoing ‘intervention’ in Iraq. However, what do they propose as a solution? Why do nation states not give a thought to what happens to the mandate of the UN every time we have one country oppose a UN led action or worse, when member countries pursue their own agenda in spite of UN principles? Is this not ‘our’ world and do we not all have a responsibility in ensuring the world is a more peaceful place?

The UN is based on a principle of collaboration. But, collaboration is not something nation states value today unless it economically benefits the collaborators. The UN, I am sure, was a wonderful idea post World War II. A league of newly formed nation states all of whom went through the horrors of war and depression. Today, that shared horror of experiencing violence is gone and somehow some nations have ‘become’ superior to others. Is not collaborating with member states of the UN the best way to show hegemonic power?

When nation states fail to put on a united front through the UN, it simply means we have to accept that each nation knows best how to deal with their internal problems. Obviously, we know the consequences of such an approach. Maybe it is not the right mechanism or maybe it needs total revamping to deal with established nation states; states that have developed ‘histories’ since their formation post World War II. They are no longer fledgling states that require UN guidance. Maybe we need some other mechanism to empower all states enough so that communication amongst them can happen without anyone feeling threatened; maybe we need to focus on mechanisms through which hegemonic powers are curtailed. We need to start thinking what these institutions might be and what they might look like. Hopefully we create or transform existing institutions into ones that seek mitigation and management of violence and are not so arrogant as to aim for resolution of ‘other’ people’s conflicts.

I am outraged by the news from Syria. The UN and the international community has failed us so many times. How many more babies need to die for us to respond collectively seeking an end to violence?

Women in the Military: A Minority within a Minority

By Lynn Slaughter-Naves

Women in the U.S. military are a minority within a minority. Less than 1% of Americans are in the military, and of the 21.9 million U.S. military veterans a mere 1.5 million are women.That means under 7% of veterans are female. In my opinion, women are missing a great opportunity by foregoing the option of military service. Society as a whole could benefit from more women in the military ranks.

It goes without saying that the military has always been a male-dominated profession.This leads to a skewed perspective of the military by civilian women because no one talks about what the military is like for them and why they join. While war is traditionally seen as the realm of men, peace is seen as the domain of women; yet women in the military turn this idea upside down. It is not that women in the military are unfeminine: they are just as varied as they are elsewhere. Yet the stereotype is that females in the military must be “masculine”. While the military is still very much a “boy’s club”, it has become much more open to women in the past few decades.

For some, joining the military is about patriotism, for others it is mercenary, but for many it is a little of both. Many people join the military because it provides them with a decently paying job, health coverage, guaranteed food and housing, and educational benefits. For economically disadvantaged women, it provides stability and a chance to go to school, something that in this day and age is more of a necessity than an option if you want to be able to support yourself.This opportunity for independence has a steep price, though, since the military essentially owns you, and you can get sent to a war zone if your unit is called up. For women in the military, especially those with children, it can be difficult to maintain a balance between their professional careers and personal lives. When you are in the military, the mission comes first and your personal life must be second. For women who stay in the military long-term, personal sacrifice is inevitable.

Many people are not entirely comfortable with the idea of a woman in uniform, and fear that women will “get hurt”. The irony is that while the military is a tough place, women in society face similar (or worse) challenges. Women in the military, while not immune to mistreatment, are trained to withstand intimidation.These experiences are trying, but they come out of it much tougher and less likely to allow themselves to be bullied. Women are so often forced into a passive role, forced to play the “damsels in distress” waiting for someone to come along and make our lives better. But real life is not like that, and we must take every opportunity we can. Women in the military, as a minority within American society, owe it to themselves and to women in general to share their experiences and bring recognition to their share in serving this country.

Democracy is Every Woman, It is all in Her

By Michael Houseman

I’ve been feeling something lately and dissonance may be the word for it. The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs released a report over the weekend claiming that political parties in the Democratic Republic of the Congo were struggling to meet the legal requirement to recruit women to run for parliamentary seats. “I don’t like politics,” or “I’ll have to ask my husband first,” were many of the answers given when party officials asked women to join and represent them in parliament. The report stated that the capitol, Kinshasa, had the greatest amount of women holding local political office at 7%. The war-torn province of Kivu? 3%. Not quite the 30% that Congolese law mandates.

My sense of dissonance appeared when my friend and I were talking about the issue over dinner, and she convinced me that quotas for women’s placement in parliaments was something to be frowned upon. Her critiques of the policy were valid: is this a true democracy if voters cannot wholly decide who they elect? What about equal opportunity? Women are getting preference over men, is this not reverse sexism? I have been a proponent of Resolution 1325, which strives to bring women to the table and ensure their voice in conflict resolution. But turning around and opposing quotas seemed off-putting, though at the time I simply could not find the words to articulate why. I grudgingly agreed with her. “After all,” she said, “no woman wants to hold office just because she is a woman.”

Unraveling my apprehension that night took some research. Is it democratic to give women a place in government on the sole basis that they are female? I am not sure, so I looked to our friends in India, the world’s largest democracy. Electoral law in the states of Andhra Pradesh, Kerala, Maharashtra, and Tripura requires 50% of seats in panchayats and municipalities to be filled by women. While legislation to bring quotas on the national level remains stalled in the Union Government, the topic provides a sharp contrast to the United States, where ideas of quotas are entirely unheard of. Only 16.9% of American seats in the House and Senate are occupied by women, ranking the country 69th among all nations in terms of women’s participation, just 0.1% higher than Turkmenistan. It seems that in a “true” democracy the demographics of representatives would match the demographics of their constituents, at least in terms of gender. This is not to say that some states in India are a “truer” democracy than the United States—both nations have dismal examples where democratic values lose ground to more immediately negotiable virtues—but do quotas help realize an ideal democracy in the long run?

Then there is the issue of barriers to women’s advancement: many women are not afforded equal opportunities if institutional sexism views them as likely to leave work to start a family or as emotionally unstable, prone to buckling under the pressures of having to perform in “a man’s world.” Quotas compensate for these hurdles in the short-term, and they are a bold step toward the direction of creating lasting equity in representation. If women have a seat in legislative bodies now, no matter how, it would set the stage to normalize their presence in government, challenging the “man’s world” of politics and opening the path for women to be elected for qualities more than for simply meeting legal requirements. If democracy so far has vastly underrepresented 51% of the population, should we here in America not be scrambling for concrete solutions to address this situation?

Settling for quotas appears to be an uneasy affair in the short term, but they can be an invitation for a truly gender representative democracy in the future. Allowing more women in legislative positions will bring a more diverse outlook to politics, no matter if it is in Congo or Kerala or California. They may like politics more, they may not have to ask their husbands to run for office, and they may surprise us.

From Amazons to Glamazons

By Quinn Van Valer-Campbell

The media is an undeniable force that changes and shapes our feelings and persuasions at will. Since the presence of women in war is pervasive, one would think that it is high time for countries in conflict to actually recognize this fact and include women.

There has been some recent progress: Women, War, and Peace premiered on PBS in October, the organization Women Make Movies is present throughout much of the world, and the movie Miss Representation premiered this year at the Sundance Film Festival. Furthermore, awareness is at an all-time high with NGOs and other organizations working toward the inclusion of women at the peace table and in societies emerging from conflict. Articles abound on the dire necessity and importance of the roles of women. Keeping these contemporary examples in mind, how are women’s roles in the media, conflict, and peacebuilding not changing?

Unfortunately, the media as a whole has been misleading and two-faced. Take a look at war movies, television shows, and video games, as examples. Then, look at women and what they are (not) wearing. Amazon women from ancient Greece were some of the most renowned and feared women warriors in history, known for their skill and ability to carry out a “man’s” job with ease. But look up Amazon women today, and skimpy Halloween costumes and Glamazons are invariably the first items to appear. This is in stark contrast to the historical Amazons, who allegedly would remove one of their breasts so as to better use a bow and arrow. The media has taken the quintessential warrior woman and sexualized her to the point of pornography.

Xena the Warrior Princess and Lara Croft are further examples of women in war who have been sexualized by the media. With their skintight clothes and huge breasts, these women are supposed to be fighters but end up only serving the fantasies of men. While these two women are not necessarily real or realistic examples of women in war, they are indicative of popular Western perceptions and attitudes. The only place for women in war may be on the frontlines, but they will all be glamorized to the point of ineffectiveness and humiliation.

To take the example of the Amazon women further, they were able to maintain their role in society as warriors but this did not diminish their femininity. They may have even taken it a bit too far with some marriage laws requiring young women to have killed someone before being eligible to marry. However, they were not sought after as glorified sexual objects, but rather were desired in marriage because they were strong, fearsome, and respected.

In a society like ours and the rest of the Western world, where we cannot even accept women in combat roles without adding sex to the mix, it is not surprising that women are not taken seriously either during war or during peacebuilding.

Hear Our Voices: The Exclusion of Women in the Lebanese Peace Process

By Sasha Sleiman

While the heartbreak, pain, and suffering of war can be universalized between men and women worldwide, women’s particular experience during war is inherently different than men. To reflect this difference, women must be involved in decision-making before, during, and after conflict in order to craft sustainable peace and fully understand the ramifications war has on women. Women, because of their unique and complex experiences in war, must be equal contributors to post-conflict negotiations and rebuilding.

Women are affected by war in unique ways, namely due to their traditional roles within the home as family caretakers, but not limited to these roles alone. The Lebanese Civil war provides an excellent example of the diversified roles women take on in times of conflict. The experiences of Lebanese women ranged from providing food and first aid supplies to combatants, to taking up arms and actively fighting in the name of their country or a specific religious sect, to having violence imposed upon them (women made up the majority of the civilian death toll). However, there is no one way to categorize women’s collective role in the Civil War. Despite the active role women played in the war, there is little to no evidence that they were significantly involved in the peace process, including the negotiations and signing of the Taif Agreement; yet male representatives from all religious sects were included. History repeated itself in 2006 when women’s official involvement and political influence proved to be limited during the reconstruction phase after the conflict between Hezbollah and Israel.

This underrepresentation is not just a historical fact; it is a real issue today despite the government’s ratification of the Convention on the Elimination Against Women (CEDAW) and public support for and claimed adherence to Resolution 1325. Lebanon clearly shows us that while women’s experiences in war are multifaceted in ways that men’s are not, they are unable to influence peace processes in any significant way, resulting in their specific needs and stories being disregarded. Lebanon is not an isolated incident: this exclusion happens in almost every conflict around the world.

Whether as victims, survivors, combatants, or activists, words shape the way we understand and perceive women’s experiences in war. Their stories can complete the picture of war and its implications, because while men are out fighting wars, women are left to deal with their destruction. No matter if a woman is fighting in the war or at home with her family, her words must be heard. Without them we only hear one perspective, and conflicts cannot be truly resolved without understanding the holistic ramifications of war. Equal participation for women in in post-war peace processes is absolutely essential for a just and peaceful society.

Is Afghanistan ripe for peace or will absence of women sour reconciliation?

By Rebecca Halton

Friday, October 7, 2011 marked the ten-year anniversary of the presence of US and coalition forces in Afghanistan. According to an ActionAid report, 90 percent of Afghan women surveyed said they are worried about the Taliban “returning to government and believe it would risk the gains made for women in the past ten years.” As ActionAid’s Director of Policy Belinda Calaguas said, “In 2001 our leaders went into war in Afghanistan saying that improving women’s rights was a goal of intervention. Ten years on as the international community begins withdrawing troops and enters into peace talks with the Taliban and other insurgent groups, women are being frozen out of the process and are worried that their rights are being traded away for peace.”

Historically, women have been the primary victims of violence and oppression in Afghanistan. Now, looking to the future and the violence still endured by women, it is extremely difficult to envision a peaceful future without the greater inclusion of women in the peacemaking process.

To exclude one of the primary stakeholders in the decision-making process would be detrimental not just to women, but to the country as a whole. Without assurances that women will be involved and heard and that there will be legal, procedural, and cultural safeguards in place, the progress of the past ten years hangs in the balance.

Just as the exclusion of women is a concern for Afghanistan, so too is the upcoming absence of U.S. troops as they prepare to withdraw. While the presence of U.S. and coalition forces has been flawed and has faced many challenges in Afghanistan, the growing incidence of violence, particularly against human- and gender-rights activists, raises concerns about what is to come without the same level of military and security forces.

So with less physical protection (in the same ActionAid report, 66 percent of women surveyed in Afghanistan said that they feel safer now than they did ten years ago) and no significant cultural and legal safeguards, will women in Afghanistan be more vulnerable than ever, despite the progress made during the past decade?

One can only hope the decision-makers already at the table make room, or, until they have made more room, make wise decisions based not on re-elections or comfort or sheer power, but on the best interests and best way forward for every man, child, and woman in Afghanistan.

Are you listening, President Rajapakse?

By Pushpa Iyer

There was a time when, in the Sri Lankan Diaspora, the voices of the Sinhalese were subdued amongst the strong voices of the LTTE supporters and in the infighting between the Tamils. How much has changed since then.

This past Saturday, I heard the loud voices of the Sinhalese Diaspora at an Amnesty International sponsored event in Palo Alto, California. Amnesty had decided to screen the UK Channel 4 documentary ‘Sri Lanka’s Killing Fields’. As someone very familiar with the conflict in Sri Lanka, I am certain that both the Sri Lankan military and the LTTE committed atrocities against the Tamil population during the final stages of the war in May 2009. However, the point of this film was to show how much and how disproportionately the Tamil population, mostly innocent civilians, had suffered at the hands of the Sri Lankan military during those hot summer days. The film does refer to the LTTE using Tamil civilians as human shields and shooting them for trying to flee.

Amnesty officials repeatedly stated that the film was only intended to generate conversation. They stressed that they condemned all acts of violence and human rights abuses committed by all parties, including the LTTE, and explained that they hoped for an impartial inquiry into all human rights abuses in Sri Lanka. Their approach, they said, was to pressure the international community, especially the US, to force the Sri Lankan government to accept an international war crimes inquiry.

Barring some occasional snickering, the hall was very quiet while the documentary was being screened. But at the end of the film, the Sinhalese community in the audience erupted. They discredited the speakers, accused Channel 4 and Amnesty of taking sides, and insisted that we, the audience, watch the counter-film prepared by the Sri Lankan Ministry of Defence. They threatened, intimidated, or silenced Tamils and others in the audience who spoke up asking for space to express their opinions. The film has brutal, heart wrenching footage. It is impossible to imagine that fellow human beings would be unmoved by what they saw. However, that seemed to be the case on Saturday evening.

I heard one Sinhalese woman yell, “I lost half my family in this war,” followed by fits of giggles with her friends on having successfully played a role in disrupting the meeting. I really listened to her, because yes, I am sure she and her side have suffered a lot in the years of violence. However, my question to her is: after you lose half the members of your family in a war, are you pleased when you see and know that many from the ‘other’ side (innocents like you) lost half their family because of ‘your’ side’s acts of violence? Do you really believe that an horrific end was what the Tamil people deserved? Would you explain it as Tamils facing their karma? Do you feel justice has been served? Do you sleep better now? Are you able to celebrate ‘your victory’? I sat there wondering if it was possible for any woman to not be outraged upon seeing the naked bodies of women who had been gang raped being tossed irreverently into trucks while the soldiers made crude comments. Apparently, some women can.

I am convinced that empathy is a skill with which most of us are not born, and I strongly believe that it is important that we all work hard to acquire it in order to qualify as a decent human being. Empathy is what teaches you that a ‘tit-for-tat’ strategy is a doomed strategy. I am also certain that empathy alone can play a huge role in ending violence.

The Sinhalese in the crowd succeeded in their mission to disrupt the meeting. The police were called, and over fifteen of them descended into the hall and made us leave the premises in less than ten minutes.

So, Mr. Rajapakse, let me be honest. I have never been impressed with your approach or your actions and now having witnessed the boisterous and belligerent behaviour of your country’s citizens (read: Sinhalese) last Saturday, it is obvious to me that you have failed. Your strategy to militarily wipe out the LTTE at great human (read: Tamil) cost has failed to “resolve” the conflict that has plagued your country for over forty years. The divide between the Sinhalese and Tamils is as wide as ever.

Force is never the solution. It is a simple lesson, Mr. Rajapakse.